Alyona Sankova

Political myths have been existing from ancient times. Being a form of social consciousness, they always reflect the interests of a narrow social group. They can motivate the population of the country to creative activity or cause chaos, the collapse of society and the state. This article is devoted to the analysis of the latter situation, when the destruction of a certain political myth or the creation of a new one can have an influence on the very possibility of the collapse or destruction of the state.

The article deals with the problem of teaching the dialogic speech of foreign (different ethnic groups) schoolchildren by means of linguistic and literature material. The work describes the practical experience of implementing the technology of teaching this category of children oral dialogic speech in the educational process of a polyethnic school. In the conclusion, the authors propose some guidelines for optimizing this process.

Soviet historical science traditionally payed much attention to the issues of the working-class movement. After the victory of the socialist revolution, domestic science adhered to a position that the working class was the only revolutionary class of the 20th century, its interests were priority over the interests of other classes of society, and the CPSU was its advanced vanguard. Nevertheless, being in these apparently favorable conditions, the regional labor movement often remained beyond the research of historians. This was not an accident: Soviet historians could not view the labor movement of the early twentieth century separately from the revolutionary movement, i.e. apart from other political parties operating in Russia during that chronological period. It was precisely this that made undesirable studying the regional labor movement for ideological and political reasons. Then it was difficult to imagine, to admit the very idea that not the Bolsheviks, but other parties could not only have a significant influence, but also lead local workers. The Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries were the leading revolutionary force in Don, Kuban and Stavropol regions during this chronological period. This article is devoted to the analysis of the historians’ works, in which the object of research gradually expanded.

The bourgeois parties, the most influential of which were Octobrists and Cadets, represented liberal camp in the revolution of 1905-1907. The political consolidation of the Russian bourgeoisie proceeded at a slower pace for a number of known reasons, and the establishment of its party organizations, the Union of October 17 and the Party of People’s Freedom, occurred only during the revolution of 1905-1907. The Octobrists were the right flank of the Russian liberal camp, and the Cadets were its left flank. The fear of revolution was common to both parties, which constantly forced them to seek protection from tsarism.

The nationalism issue has become extremely popular in Western countries. In the US, they are already exploring the question of what the open support of Russian nationalists will give them, whether it will eventually change the political regime in our country, help remove people hateful to the West, make our country and most importantly resources fully open to the United States. Some politicians in the West and in Russia frighten the rest of the world with Russian nationalists. The article analyzes the ideal historical conditions for Russian nationalism, the prospects for its development in Russia in the future.